INTRODUCTION
Modern studies of New Granada, like the many reports¹ of colonial administrators (Chaves de Bonilla; Tovar Pinzón, n. d.; Moreno y Escandón; Colmenares, 1989; Mörner, 1963; 1970; Jaramillo Uribe), frequently make mention of changes in the composition of the population of the central region of the viceroyalty during the eighteenth century. Yet, in spite of this interest, little is still known with any precision, of the impact of such changes on the hundreds of villages and townships that were included in that region. Most have accepted, without further investigation, the conclusions formulated by Mörner (1963) and reflecting the earlier ones of Friede (1960) concerning the way in which the colonial racial segregationist system operated.² Both of these authors identified the "vecinos" listed in colonial censuses with the vecinos and mestizos who lived illegally in the caseríos, resguardos and other communal lands of the Indians. Such an interrpretation can be seen as questionable, especially if one takes into account the survey of Arostegui.³ In all the pueblos in which censuses were carried out, with the exception of Fomeque in the corregimiento of Ubaque, Aróstegui registered the number of vecinos and families, not Indians. In very few cases did he report mestizos living with Indians, a circumstance that the oidor thought highly probblematic for the Indian communities concerned. The details of distinctive situations makes this patterning of population distribution clearer. For example, in his description of Tocancipá in the corregimiento of Cajicá, the inspector noted that:

... es el temperam[en]to de este pueblo frio, su num[er]o de yndios de todos sexos, y edades es de 776 personas; y de estas tributt[ari]os 122; havia antte sedentem[en]te 699 yndios, y como no ay dentro del pueblo mesttizos, ni españoles, ni se usa bebida alguna, ha venido estte pueblo en aumentto de 77 yndios; los vezinos comarcanos feligreses de estte pueblo, son 129 personas, que componen 33 familias; su tasa de cada yndio tributario ... ⁴

... el vecindario de estte pueblo se compone de 270 familias q[ue] hazen 703 personas ... es uno de los mas dexarreglados de los que visitte, dentro del asiento del pueblo no mas, halle 46 familias de mestizos, blancos y mulattos, entretenidos solam[en]te en fabricar chicha de [end p. 121] malíssimos condimentos, por lo q[ue] continuam[en]te estan embrigados los yndios, ocassionandoselos connsiderables danos, asi espirituales como temporales: y para oviarlos mande por provid[enci)a g[ene]ral de visitta, q[ue] saliesen semejanttes genttes del pueblo, para que ocupasen los yndios las casas, que les ten fan embarazadas ... ⁵

Observations such as these are to be found throughout the inspection made by Aróstegui.

Furthermore, to date, little critical use has been made of the source materials available, allowing the discussion to focus primarily on the theme of land disputes (Melo; Martínez Garnica), at the expense of a fuller understanding of the interrelationships between the república de indios and the república de españoles in the provincial settlements.

In this article one of the neglected themes will be investigated: the relationship between the lower-level institutional order and compositional changes in the population. We shall focus our concern for this process as it developed in the province of Santafé de Bogotá during the eighteenth century. It will be demonstrated that the significant increase in the population of non-Indians (the so-called vecinos of the documents of the period), when combined with the demographic stagnation of the population of the Indian communities, resulted in the weakening of the power of Indian magistrates (corregidores de indios), and the strengthening of that of the normally "White" alcaldes pedáneos. [end p. 122]

POPULATION
The province of Santafé comprised the rural area that surrounded the city of Santafé de Bogotá, capital of New Granada. In the eighteenth century the provincial limits included in general terms the territory occupied at the arrival of the Spanish by the Muisca group, under the control of the chieftain (Zipa) of Bogotá (Falchetti and Plazas de Nieto, 62). During the colonial period, for administrative purposes, the province was divided into seven magistratures (corregimientos de indios), each under the charge of one Indian magistrate (Figure 1).⁶ In the province of Santafe, as in most other parts of the Spanish empire, a permanent reduction in the Indian population ensued from the arrival of the European conquerors in the sixteenth century (Villamarín, 1972; Colmenares, 1973; Eugenio Martínez; Ruiz Rivera). However, in the eighteenth century the rate of decline diminished, and was now accompanied by another demographic phenomenon of great significance-a relatively rapid increase in the number of resident non-Indians. These included blancos, mestizos, mulatos and other products of the process of miscegenation. Together they are reported in contemporary documents as vecinos.

It is still difficult to ascertain from what period the increase in vecino population became significant, especially since the colonial inspections (visitas) only consistently begin to mention non-Indian population from the middle of the eighteenth century.⁷ Only in isolated cases is there to be found mention of the non-Indian population before 1750.⁸ Nevertheless, it is clear that the population composition radically changes from mid-century. The population figures presented in the censuses compiled by the high court justices (oidores) Berdugo y Oquendo and Aróstegui y Escoto may be compared with those obtained twenty years later by Moreno y Escandón for several provincial corregimientos. The results demonstrate an annual rate of growth of the non-Indian population of some 3.4 percent.

Regarding the pattern of developments within the Indian population of the province there exist better data sources, though again these are relatively scarce and some would argue of dubious reliability (Villamarín and Villamarín, 1979). However, given the fact that these are the only data available one may accept them as showing important trends, if not precise numbers (Figure 2 and Table 1).

In part as a result of the reduction of the Indian population and the increase in the non-Indian population, from the third decade of the eighteenth century, tributary Indians were no longer obligated to work in forced agricultural labor (concierto agrario), mine labor (mita minera) and urban levées (mita urbana) (Villamarín, 1972; Colmenares, [end p. 123] 1968). ⁹ Such changes in the colonial regulation of Indians reflected their diminished importance as key elements in the labor force. For example, it became increasingly clear that poor non-Indians could provide cheap labor for the haciendas (Tovar Pinzon, 1987). While such changes in the legislation undoubtedly freed the Indian tributaries from the onerous and hated forced labor, especially in the mines of Mariquita, it also reflected their diminished overall importance in the colonial fabric of society in Santafe province. ¹⁰ In the long term it heralded the almost total extinction of the Muisca Indians during the republican nineteenth century.

INDIAN CORREGIMIENTOS AND INDIAN VILLAGES
From the date of the establishment of the office ofIndian corregidor in 1593 (Eugenio Martinez), this magistrate was charged to visit the villages within his jurisdiction at least twice a year in order first, to collect the tribute that the Indians had to pay; second, to coordinate the movement of Indians to the haciendas, to the mines of Mariquita, and to the city of Santafe to undertake the tasks to which they had been assigned; and third, to ensure the functioning of justice among the residents of the villages. The corregidor also had to ensure that the Indians accomplished all their obligations to the church, and that their behavior met all the requisite standards of the colonial state (Herrera Angel, 1992).¹¹

Though it was common for the corregidor to select one of the villages in which to establish his permanent residence, a good deal of his time was spent traveling from one village to another. This form of supervision promoted within the corregimiento a sense of an integrated management, as well as providing for higher authorities (in the case of Santafé it was the president of the Audiencia high court), a channel of direct control over the province (Colmenares, 1979, II, 56; Simon). The abolition of the obligatory work levees and, from 1757, the decision of the Crown to rent out the collection of Indian tribute (Moreno y Escandón), denied the corregidor two important functions that had necessitated his physical presence in the villages. One of the consequences of this loss of functions resulted in the corregidor no longer making visits to villages. He simply administered his jurisdiction from the village that he had chosen as his permanent residence.

In good part the possibility of administering the villages without the corregidor being physically in them was made possible owing to the fact that each village has its own internal administrative order. Territorial organization was closely related to administrative organization. Basically, Indian villages were divided into three types of spaces (Figure 3a):

1. The village proper (caserío) or the built-up center (casco urbano), constructed around the plaza on which was located the church. This was the space where, according to colonial norms, the Indians should live permanently "within the sound of the bell." ¹²
2. a) The Indian "reserve" (resguardo) where they were given the legal right to cultivate their crops and graze their animals, but where Indians were not permitted to live. Often the resguardo surrounded the village (Figure 3A), but in some cases it was located at a distance from the village center (Figure 3B) meaning that the Indians were required to live in one place and use land in another. In the latter case, the vecinos were able to live in close proximity to the Indian village center. It is also important to note that the resguardo lands (whose size is exaggerated for reasons of clarity in Figure 3A) comprised only five percent of the total land area of the pueblo (Figure 3C), a minute portion that left 95 percent to be used by non-Indians.

   b) Other communal Indian lands. These were often dispersed in small parcels and reflected lands formerly held by the Indians before the arrival of the Spanish.¹³ By the middle of the eighteenth century at least fifteen pueblos had communal lands that were not contiguous with the resguardo.

3. Lands on which non-Indians were permitted to establish settlements. These lands could be bought, sold or rented by the vecinos. On them they could locate their houses and farms, as well as cultivate crops and graze animals. It was on this extra-resguardo land that the large haciendas, and the small and medium sized agriicultural holdings became established,¹⁴ and where the "royal" or "state" lands (tierras realengas or tierras del estado) were located. ¹⁵

While the pueblo structures shown in Figure 3 represent theoretic models based on the colonial legislation, it is evident from contemporary cartographic evidence that the forms of resguardo boundaries and the distribution of Indian housing and non-Indian land holdings varied considerably from settlement to settlement. In the case of Guasca (Figure 4), the resguardo is represented as a regular unit (30 cabuyas [=1,915 m] per side) with its comers demarcated by an orange-colored stone, a ruined [brick?] kiln, a quebrada and the boundary of a private estancia. It is clear, however, that a good number of Indians lived outside of the pueblo's caserío.¹⁷ In the case of Suta (Figure 5), its following as they do the lines of quebradas and the limits of private estates. Equally irregular is the northern margin of the resguardo of Tinjaca.

From the religious point of view, both Indians and non-Indians of the pueblos were cared for by the services of a priest (Oviedo). His jurisdiction embraced that of the entire pueblo de indios. In terms of civil government, however, each pueblo had two types of authority: one which administered the Indian community, and another in charge of the non-Indian population.

The Indian authorities were elected from among the members of the community, generally from among those of the highest rank. Some of the offices had a traditional character, that is they had maintained functions they enjoyed from before the conquest. Such were the chiefs (caciques) and captains (capitanes). Other office holders, such as the [end p. 125] lieutenant magistrates (tenientes de corregidor), and councilors (alcaldes) had been created after the conquest (Herrera Angel, 1993).

In relation to the administration of the non- Indian population, during the eighteenth century, with the increase in number of these settlers, the number of alcaldes pedáneos, ¹⁸ or district councilors (alcaldes partidarios) also began to increase proportionally. ¹⁹ These posts were filled annually by non-Indians from each of the villages, appointed by the Audiencia court from a short-list of three prepared for it by the corregidor and the city council of Santafé de Bogotí (Colmenares, 1989, I, 158; Oviedo, 290).²⁰

Thus, in the seventeenth and early part of the eighteenth century, when the corregidor continually visited the pueblos, his instructions were implemented by way of the priests, the Indian authorities, and where they existed, the alcaldes pedaneos.²¹ These were those permanently in contact with the residents of the Indian pueblos. As the eighteenth century progressed, when the corregidor gave up visits to the pueblos, their administration began to take on a more autonomous character. In parallel fashion, the non-Indian population increased as did their alcaldes pedaneos ^.22 The latter, unlike the Indian authorities, has a much more direct relation with the authorities in the city of Santafé. Some orders from the president of the Audiencia, like those from the cabildo of Santafe, went directly to the alcaldes pedaneos, thus circumventing completely the provincial corregidores (Actas, I, 3-9, 34 and 282).²³

In general terms the alcalde pedaneo was hierarchically inferior to the corregidor of Indians. While the former could be an encomendero, a hacendado, or related to one of those, usually he was a non-Indian of some local prestige, but with little contact with the urban scene.²⁴ Many could neither [end p. 126]

Figure 5. Pueblos de Indios de Sta, 1803 (Source: AGN, Mapoteca 4, 468A)
read nor write, and in contrast to the corregidor, wore the Indian cape (ruana), rather than the jacket (casaca). Perhaps reflecting the socio-economic differences between these functionaries, in the second half of the eighteenth century the conflicts between them that emerged were as frequent as they were intense.²⁵ For example, at the beginning of the nineteenth century an alde pedánoused ina document sent to the Audiencia in Santafe that the corregidor was no more than a " ... tribute collector, a mere itinerant magistrate Uuez pedaneo] like those in the rest of the district .... "²⁶ While such conflicts may be seen as a response to the imprecision of the legal regulations governing the administration of the province, and the colonial state's attention to what were perceived as mechanism of reciprocal control (Jaramillo Uribe, I, 349-385), it is also clear that they were in great part a consequence of the changing demographic balance between Indians and non-ndians. Whereas the Indians' economic role was being slowly but surely undermined, with tribute payment forming an ever decreasing component in the Royal exchequer, the non-Indians' alcabala taxes provided an increasingly important source of revenue (Chaves de Bonilla, 131-196). This switch from tribute-paying Indians to taxable non-Indians reflected the demographic turn of the eighteenth century.

The proximity of Indians was no longer critical for hacienda labor supply, and indeed their lands now became targets for non-Indian settlement and use. The official visits of Verdugo y Oquendo and of Aróstegui y Escoto to the provinces of Tunja, Vélez and Santafe were in response to precisely a debate which ensued in the Audiencia court in 1754 regarding the request of the parish priest of Sutta-Marchán and Juca that the Indians of these pueblos be amalgamated with those of other pueblos. The priest of Moniquirá reported to the royal inspector that:

... teniendo experiencia de la larga distancia que hay desde el pueblo de Suta, al de Juca, reconocía no Ie era posible cumplir con la obligación de Párroco que pues siendo aun mismo tiempo la enseñanza en ambos pueblos, y siendo estos distantes unos de otro les es impracticable su asistencia, y así por ocurrir a los justos y graves escrúpulos que tienen referidos los dos expresados curas, como acudía que los indios sean bien doctrinados en nuestra Santa Fé Católica, y administrados los Santos Sacramentos, informe a Vro. Virrey, cuan del servicio de Dios y de nuestro Rey, sería se agregase al pueblo de Juca a el Gachantivá, erigiéndose de este nuevo curato, pues con curren para ello las mismas circunstancias, causas y razones legales que en las agregaciones antecedentes, verificóndose en todas ser unos mismo los temperamentos, contra diferencia de los pueblos de donde se separan, los indios a los que se agregan.²⁷

[Ios indios son] tan flojos, como siempre por 10 que no se aprovechan de tan fértiles y abundantes tierras que las liberalidades de Nuestros Católicos Reyes, les han concedido, las que son mucho más, por el corto número de indios, a que se han reducido las antiguas poblaciones; pues adjustada la cuenta, según las listas de que pude tener razón, de la visita de Vro. Oidor don Juan de Valcarcel, habfa en los 85 pueblos, 49,758 indios y en la que yo he practicado en los mismos referidos pueblos, he alistado 27,555 ... [y en los pueblos existen] gran número de gente blanca, que se ha aumentado en las feligresias de los mismos pueblos, no obstante, que por su corto número, a que hoy estan reducidos, y que en los pueblos, que se les dieron tierras y resguardos para consideración, a los que se podrían aumentar con el buen tratamiento y vida política , y que con ellos al presente solo hay 200 0 300, no por eso hay mas abundancia que antes, ni por 10 común se aplican a cultivarlas antes han introducido darlas en arrendamiento, muchos tiempos a los blancos; habiéndose hecho con este arbitrio mas holgazanes y pobres, pues lo que les produce los arrendamientos, lo convierten en bebidas ... en otros pueblos dan algunos los indios los ganados para que se los cuiden ... yen los pueblos donde no hay nada de esto están las más de las tierras de los resguardos incultas y sin labrar.²⁸

The image of small numbers of lazy Indians, not at all interested in using the resources provided by the resguardos or, when they did, drinking the benefits, was a common one that often provoked a radical response on the part of the colonial administrators.

This problem was taken up again later by Moreno y Escandón, by way of his project to annex corregimientos tenues ²⁹ which he defended before the Crown. This solution was strengthened by the form in which the Junta General de Tribunales of Santafe interpreted and used the royal decree that authorized the execution of the project. Rather than a simple amalgamation of Indian pueblos that had suffered significant losses in their populations, the Tribunal interpreted the project as a means of converting pueblos de indios into parishes of [end p. 128] "blancos"(Moreno y Escandon, 42-47). The conversion of a pueblo into a parish consisted of the removal of the Indians from the caserfo and the communal lands that they held in usufruct, and their forced transference to another pueblo.³⁰ The result of such actions was the end of the territorial, ethnic, and administrative duality of the Indian pueblos. With the Indians removed the pueblo, now parish, was populated exclusively by non-Indians. The priest and alcaldes pedaneos now served only their non- Indian population, the Indian authorities being transferred to the new settlements with the remainder of their ethnic group.

CONCLUSION
In spite of the relative dearth of detailed quantitative evidence relating to the shifts in the balance between Indian and non-Indian population during the eighteenth century, the province of Santafé permits one to estimate the impact of demographic change on the Spanish colonial administrative system operating at the level of corregimiento and Indian pueblo. Offices created specifically to organize and control the Indian population in the sixteenth century, fell into disuse with the decline in Indian numbers, and they became slowly but surely replaced by new authorities and systems necessitated by the new circumstances. Indians suffered under the relentless increase in, and competition with, non-Indians.

Whereas previously the context had demanded periodic visitation by Indian authorities to all villages within each corregimiento, population redistribution and re-composition resulted in a localization of authority, a decentralized autonomy at the local level, but with more direct controls from the principal urban center of Santafé de Bogotá. In the province of Santafé, Indians not only lost their communal lands, and their village sites, but they suffered the humiliation of their traditional authorities being displaced by those of the now dominant "republica de espafioles." Whether this pattern of development was of more than regional significance in eighteenth-century New Granada remains to be investigated.

ACKNOWLEGMENTS
This study is based upon information taken from my Master's thesis in history completed at the Universidad Nacional de Colombia in 1994, entitled El corregidor de naturales y la ruptura de un ordenamiento político administrativo secular en la Provincia de Santafé, siglo XVIII. I would like to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to my thesis advisor, Dr. Hermes Tovar Pinzón, for his generous advice and encouragement. I also wish to thank Dr. David J. Robinson who is now advising my doctoral research on colonial New Granada for his help in preparing this article for publication in English.

NOTES

1. The first two transcriptions listed in the text are from documents located in the Archivo General de la Nación, Bogotá (hereafter AGN), section Visitas de Boyaca, vol. 7, fols. 1-85; and Visitas de Cundinamarca, vol. 8, fols, 779-836, respectively.

2. It may be noted that in both his 1963 article, as well as in his later more general work of 1970, Mõrner appears to confuse the distinctions between pueblo as "central concentrated settlement," pueblo as "people of a certain areas of land," and pueblo as "pueblo de indios," the entire jurisdiction under the care of a cura 0 doctrinero including the Indian resguardo. While such distinctions are certainly not made clear in many of the colonial legal texts, they become evident from a detailed reading of the several inspections carried out in Nueva Granada during the eighteenth century.

3. AGN, Visitas Cundinamarca, vol. 8, fols. 779-836.

4. AGN, Visitas Cundinamarca, vol. 8, fol. 812, emphasis added.

5. Ibid., fol. 801.

6. Details are to be found in AGN, Visitas Cundinamarca, vol. 8, fols. 833(bis)-836r. See also Moreno y Escandón, pp. 42-43.

7. The first visitas to contain censuses of the non-Indian population were those of Berdugo y Oquendo and Aróstegui y Escoto.

8. Ruiz Rivera provides a similar view of the seventeenth century. In the documentation revised for this study the only mention of vecinos before 1750 relate to sparse information for the pueblos of Suesca and Chipasaque when repairs to their churches were proposed. In these cases Suesca had 26 "vecinos cabezas de familia" in 1726, and Chipasaque 24 in 1724. See AGN, Fabrica de Iglesias, vol. 11, fol. 37v; and Caciques e Indias, vol. 12, fol. 324r.

9. The >concierto agrario was supressed in 1720 (AGN, Milicias y Marina, vol. 116, fols. 533v-536); the urban mila in 1741 or perhaps also in 1720 (AGN, Real Audiencia de Cundinamarca, vol. 1, fol. 714, and Milicias y Marina, vol. 116, fols. 533v-536); the mining mita was supressed in 1729 (AGN, Caciques e Indios, vol. 72, fol. 323). [end p. 129]

10. Although it was officially suppressed, it is evident from the documentation of 1727 and 1754, that forced labor continued to be supplied to nearby haciendas (AGN, Residencias Cundinamarca, vol. 4, fol. 643v, and vol. 5, fol. 54). In the 1760s oidor Aróstegui noted that no longer was there forced labor but only Indians who volunteered to work on haciendas to obtain enough funds to make their tribute payments (AGN, Visitas Cundinamarca, vol. 8, fol. 786-787; vol. 7, fols. 48-64, 549-562).

11. The functions assigned to corregidores is detailed in AGN, Caciques e Indios, vol. 42, fols. 88-89; Residencias Cundinamarca, vol. 4, fols. 637-639, and 718-721; vol. 5, fols. 8-11; vol. 51, fols. 529-561; vol. 9, fols. 822-825. Interesting also are the accounts rendered by the corregidores of the Guatavita district from 1700 to 1730 found in Archivo General de Indias (Sevilla), Contadurfa, 1595.

12. See AGN, Visitas Cundinamarca, vol. 8, fols. 790-791.

13. Details of pueblos with lands outside the confines of the resguardo are to be found in AGN, Visitas Cundinamarca, vol. 8, fols. 807-833.

14. A clear demonstration of how the non-Indians were distributed throughout the pueblos de indios is to be found in AGN, Poblaciones Varias, vol. 7, fols. 337-381. I would like to thank Patricia Echeverri who brought this census to my attention which helped answer many of my questions regarding the spatial distribution of these populations.

15. Relatively little mention is made of such lands in Santafé during the eighteenth century. There is, however, some cartographic evidence in AGN, Mapoteca, vol. 4, no. 138A, "Plan de Tierras llamadas Mundo Nuevo en el corregimiento de Chocontá, 1797."

16. According to our calculation, by the mid-eighteenth century, between five and ten percent of all non-Indians were probably living within Indian villages.

17. The map notes that 26 Indian houses lay on the flat land south of the central village.

18. Literally "walking" magistrates, that is to say that they were itinerant, moving from one village to another.

19. The terms alcaldes pedáneos or alcaldes partidarios were used interchangeably. See AGN, Empleados Públicos Cundinamarca, vol. 4, fols. 175-178. In the first half of the eighteenth century it is difficult to locate documentation related to these office holders though it is clear that they were operating: see AGN, Residencias Cundinamarca, vol. 4, fols. 794-795.

20. Several sample nomination lists are to be found in AGN, Empleados Públicos Cundinamarca, vol. 4.

21. Of course there also normally existed other office holders such as the alcabala tax collector, the tithe collector, the officials of the aguardiente, anís, and mail monopolies. These will not be dealt with in this article but details can be found in AGN, Empleados Públicos Cundinamarca, vol. 21, fols. 357,419; vol. 2, fol. 762; Visitas Cundinamarca, vol. 7, fol. 45v; Competencias Cundinamarca, vol. 5, fol. 957.

22. Generally the justification for the establishment of an alcalde pedaneo was based-upon the type of economic activity developed within the pueblo and by the number of non-Indian residents. See AGN, Empleados Públicos Cundinamarca, vol. 4, fols. 31134, and 911.

23. AGN, Caciques e Indios, vol. 10, fol. 41.

24. The relative socio-economic position of the corregidores in the second half of the eighteenth century has been dealt with in Herrera Angel, 1993b.

25. See AGN, Competencias, vol. 5.

26. AGN, Empleados Públicos Cundinamarca, vol. 4, fol. 806.

27. AGN, Visitas, Boyaca, vol. VII, fol. 13, "Informe del Visitador real don Andrés Verdugo y Oquendo sobre el estado social y econ6mico de la población indígena, blanca y mestiza de las provincias de Tunja y Velez a mediados del siglo XVIII."

28. Ibid, fol. 19.

29. From the documents it is evident that these corregimientos were those that had a greatly reduced Indian population.

30. See, for example, AGN, Poblaciones Varias, vol. 7, fols. 326-443,658-709; also Curas y Obispos, vol. 29, fols. 140-164.

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RESUMEN
En este artículo se estudia la interrelación entre la población, el ordenamiento territorial y el manejo administrativo en la provincia de Santafé, Nuevo Reino de Granada, en el siglo XVIII. En el se propone una interpretación de la forma como opero el esquema de segregación residencial, que difiere de las explicaciones tradicionales. Tal interpretación permite en tender por que al aumentarse significativamente la población de vecinos, al tiempo que la de las comunidades se mantenía practicamente estática, se alteraron las relaciones de poder de las autoridades al interior de la provincia, entre ellas las de los corregidores de naturales y los alcaldes pedáneos. Igualmente permite apreciar las tendencias de cambio en el ordenamiento territorial que se produjeron, en buena parte, como consecuencia del cambio en la composición demográfica de la población. [end p. 131]