This paper examines the development problems and the activities of two non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and a number of affiliated agencies in two representative regions of highland Bolivia: the northern Altiplano and the eastern Cordillera region in the Department of Cochabamba. Based on the documentation of the agencies and on numerous talks and formal interviews with representatives of the NGOs and the campesinos, an attempt was made to identify the major problems and constraints of specific micro-regions, as well as the perceived development priorities, and the strategies of the agencies and local communities to implement the development process.
"The pervasive poverty in rural areas has presented a continuing concern of national governments and development assistance agencies. One response to pervasive poverty has been the design of local institutions to enable rural communities to mobilize their own resources to generate growth and improve the quality of life." (Ruttan 1984,393)
INTRODUCTION
The tropical Andes have a long tradition in the utilization and mobilization of rural resources. At certain times in the history of human occupation, people's use of resources had a relatively "soft" impact on the natural and human environments, and the mobilization and management of these resources took ecologically sound and sustainable forms. At other times though, rural resources have been "developed" beyond the limits of their carrying capacity and sustainability, either because of internal constraints and pressures, or as a result of external demands and interferences. Both the neglect of rural areas and overzealous but inappropriate development efforts, especially those using macro-regional and "profit maximization" based approaches, have impaired or depleted rural resources and have failed to bring lasting benefits to large segments of the rural population. Conversely, new development initiatives, especially those of many non-governmental organizations (NGOs) aim at promoting autochthonous and sustainable forms of resource mobilization, with a special focus on the least privileged population groups and targeted on regions with the most urgent development needs.
By most socio-economic yardsticks, Bolivia is the least developed and one of the most rural oriented countries of South America. For some time, a significant number of foreign development assistance agencies have been active in rural Bolivia, more recently, many locally or regionally based Bolivian institutions have been founded to promote development in the rural sector, foremost in agricultural production, and improve rural infrastructures and services. Although some common traits in the development objectives, priorities, and implementation of projects can be discerned, [end p. 37] generalizations about the work of these agencies are often untenable.
This paper examines the approaches to integrated rural development of a number of Bolivian and North American NGOs in two distinct regions of highland Bolivia characterized by a high degree of rural poverty (Caritas Bolivia, 1990): the work of the American based agency PLAN INTERNACIONAL in the northern Altiplano region of the Department of La Paz; and the activities of the "Canadian Save the Children Agency" (CANSAVE) which is working through a number of local NGOs in the Cordillera region of the Department of Cochabamba.
DEVELOPMENT SCENARIO OF HIGHLAND BOLIVIA
Bolivia's total land area of almost 1.1 million km2 is composed of eleven major ecological regions, nine of which are located in the highland areas of the Andean mountains (Pattie 1988, 60a). The core of mountainous Bolivia forms the 3600-4000 m high Altiplano which extends from Lake Titicaca in the north, beyond the Salar de Uyuni in the south. The Altiplano is flanked to the west and east by Cordilleras, with peak elevations in excess of 6000m (Figure 1). Diverse and complex topographic and environmental conditions characterize highland Boli via. The relief varies from the generally flat, high plateau region of the Altiplano to the rugged mountain and valley topography of the Cordilleras. In terms of climate, significant contrasts exist depending on altitude, relative location and with respect to relief and water bodies (e. g. the microclimatic effect of Lake Titicaca). Consequently, over short distances, climatic conditions exhibit marked regional variations: the semi-arid to arid western Cordillera and southern Altiplano contrasts sharply with the humid northern Yungas and eastern foothills.
Climatically and ecologically, Bolivia contains the complete altitudinal range from the tierra caliente to the tierra helada with its marked day-night temperature contrasts and the tierra nival with its glaciers above about 5500 m.
Whereas the highlands comprise only 41 percent of the total Bolivian territory, 77 percent of the population is still concentrated in the Andean realm (Table 1), in spite of rapid population growth in some parts of the eastern lowlands. The total population of Bolivia was estimated at 7.4 million in 1990 and is expected to rise to 9.8 million by the year 2000 (Pattie 1988, 159). Although the proportion of urban population is steadily increasing, about one half of the total population is still rural, most of which is concentrated in the highlands. However, a significant migration is taking place from the Andean highlands towards the eastern foothills (foremost the Chapare region) and lowlands, in search of better opportunities in agriculture or jobs in the new urban growth poles of Santa Cruz and Trinidad. A large proportion of the rural population in the highlands is native, but major cultural differences exist between the Aymara of the northern Altiplano and the Quechua of the southern Altiplano and the eastern Cordillera.
The agricultural resource base of highland Bolivia is highly diversified reflecting the complex natural and human environments of the Andean realm. In the northern Altiplano region, precipitation is still adequate (300-500 mm) for seasonal field-cultivation based on potatoes and barley and for pastoralism. Nevertheless, the overall shortage of water combined with frequently occurring frosts, represents a major constraint for agriculture (Vacher). The southern Altiplano is much drier and can be used at best for extensive pastoral activities. The eastern Cordillera with its rugged mountain topography and deeply entrenched valley regions includes highly [end p. 38]diversified agricultural zones. In the major valleys, a mixture of irrigation agriculture and seasonal farming activities on non-irrigated land prevails, with a great variety of cultivated crops. Prominent among the valley regions is the area around Cochabamba which represents as a dynamic market center for a productive agricultural region.
Currently, the agricultural sector accounts for about 20 percent of the GNP, 10 percent of the exports and 45 percent of total employment. The cultivated area of the country accounts for only 3 percent of the national territory and is concentrated in a number of often small ecological niches. In terms of the type of agriculture, a marked dichotomy can [end p. 39] be observed. The small-scale agriculture (agricultura campesina) or minifundios-93 percent of the farms-tends to be oriented toward production for autoconsumption and local markets and generally relies upon traditional farming methods. While the small-scale agriculture is prevalent in the mountains, the commercially oriented agriculture (agricultura comercial) is mainly found in the pioneer zone of the eastern lowlands. This agriculture is carried out on larger plots of land and is oriented towards cultivation of commercial crops and the grazing of beef cattle.
The productivity of most farms in Bolivia is low compared to those of many other Latin American countries. Furthermore, increases in agricultural productivity have not kept pace with the population increase (2.7 percent per annum). This has resulted in a stagnation, or even a decline of rural standards of living, to a persistence of poverty and to a significant outflow of "economic refugees" to the larger urban centers and to the pioneer zones of the eastern lowlands.
The major constraints for rural development in Bolivia are the result of adverse natural, economic, social and political conditions (CANSAVE-BOLIVIA, 1990a). More specifically, the development of the agricultural sector is hindered by the following:
THE MOBILIZATION OF RURAL RESOURCES THROUGH DEVELOPMENT AGENCIES
In recent years, Bolivia has witnessed the emergence of a great number and variety of development agencies: governmental and non-governmental; national and foreign; church and non-church organizations; large ones and small ones; agencies with a focus on specific regions, target populations, sectors of the economy or type of social service. While the specific objectives, strategies and programs of these agencies may be quite different from each other, their overall goal is often similar; the alleviation of poverty through enhanced productivity and incomes and the improvement of infrastructures and services (Bebbington & Thiele 1993).
During the summer of 1991, the author carried out a study of non-governmental agencies impleementing rural development programs in the two Departments of La Paz and Cochabamba. These two study-regions offered distinct natural and human conditions; and different agencies operated in these environments. In the northern Altiplano region of the Department of La Paz, a variety of different projects of PLAN INTERNACIONAL were visited; in the Department of Cochabamba, development projects of a number of Bolivian agencies working in a partnership with Canadian Save the Children (CANSAVE)-BOLIVIA were examined. For each of the agencies, the documents pertaining to background studies, development goals, methods and strategies, and to specific project methods of implementation were examined. In addition, during the visits to project sites, about one hundred interviews were carried out with the field personnel of the agencies, as well as with program recipients using different questionnaires for each of the two groups. This information was supplemented by field observations and numerous informal talks.
THE RURAL DEVELOPMENT WORK OF PLAN INTERNACIONAL IN THE NORTHERN ALTIPLANO REGION
The rural development effort of PLAN INTERNACIONAL-ALTIPLANO is focused in the provinces of Los Andes and Ingavi ofthe Department of La Paz located between the city of La Paz and Lake Titicaca (Figure 1). It is a 7,068 km2 area with a current population of about 250.000. The region is located on the harsh Altiplano at an elevation between 3800 and 4200 m where the mean annual temperatures range from about 4 ° to 8° C. The region is inhabited predominantly by Aymaras who live in dispersed farmsteads and small villages. Agricultural [end p. 40] activities are carried out on individually cultivated minifundios (average farm size: 1.8 ha) on which potatoes, barley and quinoa are the principal crops, and on predominantly communally owned pastoral lands where sheep, llamas and alpacas are grazed. The northern Altiplano is characterized by conditions of widespread poverty and underdevelopment. The familiar corollary of economic and social problems is exacerbated by the natural risks and hazards of frequently occurring night frosts, periods of aridity and occasional flooding, windstorms, hail and lightening.
The mandate of PLAN INTERNACIONAL in general terms is to improve the well-being of families and communities facing conditions of marginality. The major objectives of its development effort are to raise family incomes, to improve the living conditions, and to protect or restore fragile environments. Over the years, the development philosophy and approach ofthis agency has changed significantly. From the beginning of its work in the Altiplano region in 1977 until about 1986, the work was focused on providing direct forms of financial or material assistance in a "top down" fashion. The development relied heavily on exogenous concepts, expertise and technologies, largely excluding local input and resources, and creating conditions of long-term dependence (PLAN INTERNACIONAL ALTIPLANO 1990).
After the failure of some projects, foremost that of the experimental farm of Tambillo, which did not show the desired effects of innovative diffusion and economic "filtering down," the development philosophy for PLAN INTERNACIONAL was profoundly changed. It was recognized that "despite their poverty, poor people possess substantial resources, knowledge, and understanding of their circumstances, the will and persistence to make things better, and a capacity to organize and mount collective action." (Annis and Hakim 1988, 1). [end p. 41]
Key words in the new development approach became decentralization, local autonomy, self-sufficiency, self-help, and participation of local communities. A major emphasis was placed on the full utilization of local organizational structures, resources, and appropriate technologies which are adapted to the environment and to cultural traditions. Local families and organizations were included at every stage of the development process and campesino communities were asked to commit themselves to a participatory effort in planning, problem-solving, and decision-making, as well as to a provision of time and resources (Figure 2). It was found that an initial indispensable requirement in this process was to gain the trust and support of local communities. The role of the agency was seen as that of a "facil itator" for the self-development of communities, in providing some measure of professional and technical support and financial assistance. The ultimate goal of the development initiatives was to transform the considerable potential of local social energy into sustained economic growth.
Based on an assessment of participation levels of local families and communities by PLAN INTERNACIONAL, it was found that local participation tended to be highest where people expected to obtain immediate financial or material benefits. It also became apparent that it was more difficult to raise participation levels for programs with longer term benefits and for those benefiting whole communities. In this context, the importance of sustained effective communication, awareness raising, education and training (capacitación) becomes obvious.
In an effort to get to know the rural reality, the principal problems affecting the region, and to establish development priorities, PLAN INTERNACIONAL attempts to include the perception and expertise of both local communities and of its staff. The result of this initial dual input is the Base Study Document (Estudio de Base) for the project area. The major results of the Base Study are then diffused within the communities and among the personnel of the agency with a request for further input. The result is an identification, critical analysis and prioritization of major problems affecting the region. Subsequent stages of the development process are the search for alternative solutions to the perceived problems; the formulation of a three year Development Plan; and the implementation and continuous monitoring of development targets. At the end of the three year development phase, a major evaluation by the local communities, the agency and possibly external people, will determine the nature of the continuation of the agency's involvement, or the termination of the work of the agency in the region (Figure 2).
Within the project region of the northern Altiplano, the major problems identified by both the agency and the local communities can be summarized under the following headings (Table 2):
A prioritization of these problems in terms of needs perceived by local communities was established according to the frequency of listing (Table 3). The eventual types of projects carried out in the communities take into consideration these perceptions, but do also reflect the overall mandate of PLAN INTERNACIONAL; its capabilities and the resources of both the agency and the communities.
The direct participation of families and communities and the mobilization of local resources is carried over from the planning to the implementation stage: a contract is signed between the agency and the beneficiaries which describes the mutual responsibilities and generally stipulates, on the part of the development recipients, a supply of labor and some economic resources, and on the part of the agency financial and technical assistance. The mobilization of communal labor has long established roots within the Andean society, yet the commitment of families and communities may vary considerably and may be either a source of communal pride and coherence or one of frustration and division. It has become obvious that the sustained success of the development effort is based on the premise that the projects are implemented, "owned," maintained and monitored by local communities. The principles of participation, communal solidarity, autonomy, and utilization of local resources will put a time limit on the presence of the agency within the community and thus avoid the pitfalls of paternalism and dependency.[end p. 42]
In its development work, a number of obstacles and constraints have been identified by PLAN INTERNACIONAL. On the part of the personnel of the agency, a lack of awareness of and sensitivity towards the cultural environment of the project area and of the social and economic traditions of local populations, may seriously impair the establishment of a climate of mutual trust and respect and may result in a lack of cooperation. Furthermore, in some instances, the organizational structure of the agency has acted as a "bureaucratic wall" between the headquarters at El Alto and local populations, and the field personnel may find it difficult to act as trustworthy intermediaries. Finally, whereas a consistent development approach based on a continuity of programs and personnel is warranted, such a continuity may be lacking as a result of changes in development priorities and strategies, financial uncertainties, and job mobility of the personnel. On the part of the development recipients, a mentality centered on hopes for quick "fixes" of the problems, handouts, a reliance on outside assistance, and unsustained levels of participation and commitment of local resources, may be serious impediments for long-term genuine development. Furthermore, the development work in a region is at times characterized by a "vast, decentralized profusion of independent organizations as if development were a rich spread of wild flowers rather than a cultivated field" (Annis 1988, 217). Agencies working in the same region and targeting similar populations, have often divergent philosophies, objectives, and strategies, and may even compete with each other. This may lead to considerable confusion among the population, or to situations where development recipients may be tempted to "exploit" this competition by extracting deals and concessions from the agencies which are detrimental to a genuine development approach:
Today there is an intricate coral-reef like maze of organizations among the poor. With seemingly limitless social energy, they die, are resurrected, and spawn new hybrids of old ideas. (Annis and Hakim 1988, 211)
Although most NGOs, among them PLAN INTERNACIONAL, do require at least a certain level of support, or at least tolerance, they tend to shy away from too close ties with government agencies or political parties. In some instances, the ideologies, strategies, and priorities of NGOs may be different form those of political bodies, they may fear political interference and shifting political fortunes, and they may lose credibility among local populations if seen too closely associated with governments or parties.
THE RURAL DEVELOPMENT WORK OFCANSAVE AND ITS PARTNER AGENCIES IN THE DEPARTMENT OF COCHABAMBA
The department of Cochabamba is located in the eastern cordillera of Bolivia which includes a series of mountain ranges, a number of valley regions (valles) and a section of the eastern sub-andean foothill zone (Figure 1). In contrast to the Altiplano, this region is characterized by very rugged relief [end p. 44] conditions, a considerable differentiation of ecological and agricultural zones, a variety of cultural environments, and development needs.
Whereas the elevation of the Valles is around 2600 m, the Cordilleras reach altitudes of up to 5000m. Climate conditions range from warm to hot temperatures in the sub-andean zone and in the valleys, to cool or cold high-altitude conditions with frequent and at times severe night frosts. Average annual precipitation varies from about 400 to 500mm in the valley region of Cochabamba to 2000 to 5000mm along the eastern flanks of the Cordillera. The population of about 1.2 million (1989), about 50 percent of which is rural, is very unequally distributed, with its major spatial concentration in the valley region around the city of Cochabamba. Considerable variations also exist in the cultural characteristics of the population. Whereas the rural population in the Valles is largely Quechua, Aymara is the principal language in some high-altitude zone of the eastern foothills. The Department of Cochabamba experiences major temporal and permanent migration flows: from rural areas to the city of Cochabamba; and from the impoverished rural Cordillera and Valles regions to the sub-andean region of the Chapare and the lowlands of the Department of Santa Cruz. The marginal rural zones exhibit the typical range of poverty indicators and underdevelopment (DandIer et. al. 1982).
The development work of the Canadian agency "Save the Children" (CANSAVE) is primarily centered in different regions of the Department of Cochabamba. In contrast to most other foreign NGOs, CANSAVE has recently changed its approach from directly implementing development programs to acting as a facilitator and supporter for the projects of Bolivian partner agencies. CANSAVE and its cooperating Bolivian agencies is focusing its development effort on economic and social support of the least privileged populations and on the most marginal regions in an attempt to respond to the major problems identified in the Department of Cochabamba by CANSAVE and its partner agencies (Table 4). More specifically, CANSAVE pursues the following objectives for rural areas:
The emphasis of the development effort of CANSAVE is on the promotion of small-scale projects in four micro-regions. This approach is in accordance with that of many NGOs which focus their work on small-scale but integrated community based programs in partnership with grassroots people and organizations. The declared ideal of this development concept is a "resource transfer with no strings, no baggage, no politics, no diversion, no waste" (Annis and Hakim 1988, 1).
In its development program, CANSAVE has established the following principles and guidelines:
Most of the partner agencies of CANSAVE have adopted policies which are based on the use and mobilization of local material and human resources and on development strategies that are compatible with the natural and cultural environment. For instance, the Centro de Promoción Campesina (CEPROCA) states in its objectives that campesinos be empowered to control progressively the production / commercialization / consumption cycle. This should be achieved by a promotion of collective actions in response to local realities, and by the formation of associations of small producers subscribing to the principle of self-management. The partner agency Centro de Desarrollo Agropecuario (CEDEAGRO) working in a number of provinces places a major emphasis in its development work on the promotion of agriculture, health, education, and training, as well as on the construction of infrastructures. Specific objectives of its work are:
Like most other NGOs, the Centro de Comunicación y Desarrollo Andino (CENDA) aims at giving local communities a greater measure of autonomy in the management of development projects. But in so doing, CENDA is highly critical of exogenous cultural influences, economic models and goals, and agricultural methods and technologies. CENDA is strongly committed to a maintenance and revival of traditional values, resource management, and agricultural methods. It is argued that the introduction of "modern agriculture" to the Andes, [end p. 46] with its emphasis on productivity and market orientation, has advanced inappropriate and unsustainable forms of cultivation into environmentally fragile zones. CENDA also points out that the neglect or loss of native crop and tree varieties has resulted in less sustainable forms of agricultural production and forest management. Thus CENDA focuses its work on the promotion of sustainable forms of environmental management, on a revi val of indigenous forms of resource utilization and cultivation techniques, on the safeguarding and improvement of native seed varieties, and on forms and techniques of investigation, communication and training which fully integrate the participation of local communities (Regalski and Calvo 1989).
Today, there is widespread recognition that in any kind of development the use and mobilization of human resources is crucial: "Rural people's knowledge and experiences are extensive, and small farmers are after all professionals; they cannot afford not to be. And as professionals, they have much to teach." (Chambers 1983, 87). Yet, the indigenous knowledge is often still an underutilized resource and native talent and experiences have often been ignored in the past. The new approach and challenge in the development of rural resources is to carefully assess the relative strengths and potential weaknesses of the knowledge, experiences, priorities, and activities of both the rural people and outside agencies, to combine the strengths of both, and to neutralize or reduce the impact of their weaknesses.
The social and economic indicators of rural Bolivia point out the symptoms of a deepening rural crisis. Yet, despite many constraints, the campesinos of Bolivia have proven their resourcefulness in adapting to specific environmental conditions and in utilizing and mobilizing their human potential. Many non-governmental agencies are recognizing that local populations have a large reservoir of experience and expertise that has to be utilized and reinforced. Increasingly, the NGOs are entering into a genuine dialogue and partnership with local communities. This approach has required a change in attitudes, to give to the rural people a fuller share of participation, responsibilities, control, and benefits of development initiatives:
"The poor are still poor, and the oppressed are still oppressed. Yet that is not to say that nothing has changed on the social and political landscape. Today, the poor are connected to each other and to their governments in ways unprecedented in the past. And it is precisely that new and evolving relationship that gives hope that the notion of large-scale small-scale development is not really a contradiction in terms." (Annis 1988, 218)
REFERENCES
Annis, S. 1988. "Can Small-Scale Development be Large-Scale Policy," in Direct to the Poor: Grassroots Development in Latin America. (eds.) Annis, S., and P. Hakim (Boulder and London: Lynne Rienner): 209-218.
Annis, S., and P. Hakim. (eds.). 1988. Direct to the Poor. Grassroots development in Latin America. (Boulder and London: Lynne Rienner).
Bebbington, A. and G. Thiele. 1993. Non-governmental Organizations and the State in Latin America: Rethinking Roles in Sustainable Agricultural Development (Routledge: London).
CANSAVE-Bolivia. 1990a. Sector Rural/Agropecuario. Draft paper. (Cochabamba: CANSAVE).
____ . 1990b. Annual Operating Plan. 1990-91. (Cochabamba: CANSAVE).
Caritas Bolivia. 1990. Areas de pobreza rural en Bolivia. (La Paz: Caritas).
Chambers, R. 1983. Rural Development. Putting the Last First. (Harlow, Essex: Longman).
Dandier, 1. et al. 1982. Economía campesina en los valles y serranías de Cochabamba: procesos de diversificación y trabajo. (Cochabamba: Ceres).
Pattie, P. S. 1988. Agriculture Sector Assessment for Bolivia. (Washington: Chemomis International Consulting Division).
PLAN INTERNATIONAL ALTIPLANO. 1990. Metodología de Planificación. Programas y Proyectos con Participación Comunal. (EI Alto: Plan Internacional).
Regalski, P.A. and L. M. Calvo. 1989. La Plasticidad del Manejo Andino y sus desafíos. (Cochabamba: CENDA).
Ruttan, V. W. 1984. "Integrated Rural Development Programmes: a Historical Perspective," World Development, vol. 12: 393-401.
Vacher, J. J. n. d. Analisis de los riesgos de sequfa en el Altiplano boliviano (La Paz: ORSTOM). [end p. 47]
RESUMEN
Existen en los Andes tropicales unas tradiciones muy antiguas en la utilización y mobilización de los recursos rurales. En tiempos pasados, la agricultura y las formas de las poblaciones estaban muy bien adaptadas a las condiciones especiales del medio ambiente. Sin embargo, en otros tiempos, un conjunto de restricciones impuestas por la naturaleza del medio ambiente, por los obstáculos históricos y además por los problemas sociales, económicos y políticos corrientes han contribuido a unas condiciones de pobreza y subdesarrollo muy extendidas.
En este artículo se intenta examinar los problemas del desarrollo rural y las actividades de dos organizaciones no-gubernamentales (ONGs) en asociación con varias otras agencias en dos regiones representativas de Bolivia: la parte norte del Altiplano, y la región de la Cordillera Oriental en el departamento de Cochabamba. En base de la documentación obtenida de las agencias en cuestión, de numerosas conversaciones y entrevistas formales con los representantes de las ONGs y los campesinos, se ha intentado a identificar los problemas y las restricciones de micro-regiones distintas, la percepción de prioridades del desarrollo y, ademós, las estratégias utilizadas por las agencias y las comunidades locales para facilitar el proceso de desarrollo.
Es cierto que las ONGs utilizan diferentes métodos, sin embargo, lo evidente es que la clave para el desarrollo sostenible y próspero está en programas y proyectos que tengan en cuenta las distintas condiciones locales del medio ambiente, las tradiciones culturales de las comunidades indígenas y las necesidades expresadas por las poblaciones locales. En base de estas premisas, se puede establecer una cooperación eficaz entre las ONGs y los campesinos y, en cambio, esta asociación podra facilitar la mobilización de los recursos humanos y materiales y una forma apropiada y sostenible del desarrollo rural. [end p. 48]