INTRODUCTION
One of the most fruitful approaches to assess mobility in colonial Mexico has been to examine the data contained in ecclesiastical marriage records (Cook 1968; McGovern Bowen 1986; Robinson 1989; Robinson and McGovern 1980, 1988; Swann 1979, 1989; Yacher 1977). Another series of records, marriage testimonies (informaciones matrimoniales), typically recorded in great detail both brides' and grooms' origins, ages, ethnic status, legitimacy or otherwise, previous marriages if any, and any previous residences, as well as data on their parents (McCaa 1991; Morin 1972 ).¹ This copious record means that detailed spatial exogamy rates can be calculated and used to study migration. In addition, with such records extant for 385 Mexican parishes in the eighteenth century alone, the potential geographic coverage is immense (Robinson 1980a, xx).

However, certain characteristics of marriage mobility remain unexplored, and certain questions remain unanswered. Did demographic crises affect exogamy rates and patterns? What patterns of urban inter-barrio movement by marriage partners can be discerned? Did distances traveled to marry reflect any patterning in migration? Did gender differences in marriage mobility vary regionally, and was there any differentiation of the spousal population by racial category? This study addresses these questions with informaciones matrimoniales from Celaya, a medium-sized town located in the Bajío region of northwest central Mexico (Brading 1973, 1978). The results illuminate the intricacies of marriage mobility, its potential role as both a measure of social interaction in space, as well as a reflection of socio-economic change in colonial Mexico (Greenow 1981).

DATA SOURCES AND MARRIAGES
For this analysis a set of 8,089 marriage testimonies from the parish of La Purísima Concepción de Celaya were analyzed: 1,515 testimonies of Spanish and casta (non-Indian mixed-bloods) from 1784 to 1808, and 2,528 testimonies of Indians from 1788 to 1807 (APC, IMEC, IMI). Indian and non-Indian testimonies were of equal quality. The Celaya testimonies were exceptional in that the priests often meticulously recorded the timing of a bride's or [end p. 65] groom's moves. For example, a section of one typical testimony from 1787 stated " ... está de Querétaro, residente de Amoles cinco años, y en esta ciudad un año." (APC, IMEC, 1787). With such information the several steps in the migration pattern of individuals can be determined, an important charracteristic of colonial life that is often neglected precisely because so few records are as detailed as the Celaya series.

The actual number of marriages recorded each year varied widely, but one relationship is clear. Low numbers of new marriages correlated well with epidemic and poor harvest years, most notably the 1785-86 año de hambre and the 1801-1802 smallpox outbreak (Morin 1979, 40) (Table 1). It is also imporrtant to note that the proportions of widows and widowers remarrying were highest in the years following demographic crises. In 1787, for example, 42 percent of the 156 people who married were widows, usually widows of just a few months.³ If this is contrasted with the figures for 1791 and 1807 (26 and 22 percent respectively), the magnitude of human devastation during the 1785-1786 period becomes clear.

Marriage rates are also positively correlated with population trends in late colonial Celaya. Both marriage rates and population growth rose sharply after 1785-86 and then leveled off to moderate growth levels by 1805 (Table 2). Here it must be remembered that marriage was one of the primary organizing principles of colonial society: essential for establishing new families, building inter-familial social and economic networks, legitimizing offspring, confirming religious faith, and sustaining class hierarchies. The proportion of married people (casados) in the total adult population during the late colonial period averaged 56 percent.⁴ Marriage was an important life-event, but what was the added significance of spatial exogamy?

SPATIAL EXOGAMY
The population of the Bajío was known for its localism during the late colonial period (Swann 1989, 17-18; Moreno Toscano 1978, 417). However, migration was an important aspect of life throughout colonial Spanish America (Robinson 1990), and the cities and villages of the Bajío proved no exception. Marriage migrants in Celaya,[end p. 66] some 791 men and women from 1784 to 1808, came from 62 different places within colonial New Spain and the Spanish peninsula. If one examines the origins of all marriage migrants (Figure 1) it is clear that although a pronounced parochialism in the choice of marriage partner prevailed in the final decades of the colonial period, people did move from Guanajuato, Querétaro, and Valladolid, and (outside of Figure 1) sometimes even from Puebla, Mexico City, Colima, and Zacatecas, among other places, to marry in Celaya.

Between 1784 and 1808, the average percentage of spatially exogamous marriages was 9.7, a figure that is very low when compared to percentages during the late colonial period of 65 percent in the Yucatán (Robinson and McGovern Bowen 1980, 112), 59 in selected parishes of Michoacán (Robinson 1989, 61) and 25 percent in Parral (Robinson 1994, 185). Nonetheless, the percentage is still significant, and the patterns of Celaya's spatial exogamy are equally complex. When the data are disaggregated, the spatial exogamy rate increases to 16.8 percent for non-Indians and falls to 5.6 percent for Indians.⁵ Not only were Indians less exogamous, but when they found partners from outside the parish, those spouses had typically lived close by, often in one of the neighboring parishes within the larger civil jurisdiction (alcaldía mayor) of Celaya. The largest number of Indian marriage migrants came from San Juan de La Vega (48) and San Miguelito (26), both pueblos of Celaya northeast of the boundary of La Purísima Concepción de Celaya parish.

These statistics regarding spatial exogamy correlate well with a civil census taken of the entire jurisdiction of Celaya in 1791 (AGN, Padrones, Vol. 26). Of the 8,177 individuals whose origins are identified in the 1791 census, 14.4 percent were non-native inhabitants; 4.9 percent came from other areas within the larger alcaldía mayor of Celaya, and 9.5 percent came from areas outside the civil juris [end p. 67]

Theinformaciones matrimoniales are a much better source than simple marriage registers for assessing gender differences in mobility during the late colonial period because brides and grooms were always listed with their origins as well as any previous residences. Although Spanish and casta women were slightly less exogamous than their male counterparts, they were nearly ten percent more exogamous than Indian men (Table 3). This pattern is logical as travel would undoubtedly have been easier for the more wealthy Spaniards and castas, and men, it would seem, would be more apt to have had the freedom and resources to move.

In examining female migrants (Figure 2), one notes a marked difference between Indian and non-Indian women. The non-Indians originated from more dispersed points, including Salamanca, Acámbaro, Irapuato, and Jerécuaro. Indian women came from a relatively dense circle of small settlements, principally to the east of Celaya, including Amoles, San Juan de la Vega, and San Miguelito. In addition, a surprisingly large number of Indian women originated from Querétaro, 30 kilometers or so farther east (Wu 1984).

Male migrants again divided themselves into distinctive non-Indian and Indian origin patterns (Figure 3). The non-Indian grooms originated from a wide array of villages and towns. Notable are the contributions of the towns of León, Valladolid, and Guadalajara. The settlements of Irapuato, Acámbaro, Yurirapundaro, and Salamanca also provided significant numbers. Indian males, like their female counterparts, came from a more restricted radius, San Juan de la Vega, El Guaje, Neutla, and San Miguelito providing the largest proportions.

The proportions of exogamous spouses also fluctuated by year (Table 1), providing further understanding of the phenomenon of marriage mobility in colonial Mexico. The percentages of exogamous spouses reached peaks in the years just before the año de hambre, in 1791, when the population received an influx of migrants resulting from the population redistribution caused by the crisis of 1785-86, and at the end of the study period in 1808 (Figure 4). On the other hand, the dips in exogamy rates correlate well with the crisis years of 1785-1786 and 1801-[end p. 69]

1802. Toward the end of the colonial period marriage mobility appears to have been on the increase, but the years after 1808 would have to be analysed before a definite pattern can be established.

The number of exogamous origins recorded each year did not follow the same pattern as the percentage of exogamous marriages. Throughout the entire 1790s, the number of different exogamous origins was quite high, and it was only during the years of demographic crisis that the percentage of exogamous marriages surpassed the number of different exogamous origins. Evidently, during good years the marrriage migration field expanded to include many more migrant origin settlements, and during years of socioeconomic stress the field contracted.

INTER-BARRIO RELATIONSHIPS

The high endogamous marriage rate for the Indianbarrio population within the urban settlement of Celaya might, at first glance, suggest closed and relatively immobile social settings. Images of Wolf's (1957) and Redfield's (1941, 341) closed corporate Indian communities come to mind (Hunt 1976, 94). Even in Greenow's more recent analysis of marriage migration around late eighteenth-century Guadalajara one is struck by the negligible level of interaction among Indian parishes (Greenow 1981, 144). Yet what these and other studies of marriage mobility (Brading and Wu 1973; Love 1971) fail to incorporate are data related to inter-barrio movement. ⁶ The [end p. 71] Celaya data allow the movement and linkages primarily of Indians between legally defined barrios within the same parish to be quantified. It is clear that Celaya's barrios were not the endogamous entities described elsewhere in early colonial Mexico (Carrasco 1961; Nutini 1976a, 1976b).

The Celaya priests carefully recorded which barrios spouses were living in at the time of their marrriage. Net inter-barrio linkages (migrations) of grooms and brides are calculated here, and the unique demographic character of each barrio noted (Figure 5). The barrios of San Antonio, Resurección and San Cristóbal received the largest number of marrriage immigrants, and these three were also among the most populous barrios of Celaya (Table 4). The barrios with the largest number of net losses were Zapote, Santiago and Orilla de Laja. The barrio of Orilla de Laja was located along the Laja River, a zone that was subject to frequent flooding and reputed poor health conditions. Zapote was a small barrio, so small that in several censuses it is not listed separately but rather is incorporated into other barrio jurisdictions. Why the barrio of Santiago had net losses of marriage migrants is puzzling since its population was relatively high and stable during the late colonial period.

When the movements of males and females between barrios are viewed separately, distinctive linkages emerge. Female inter-barrio migration tended to be more dispersed: women came from all twelve barrios, and their interactions were not quite as selective as those of the men. For example, the net movement of male partners from Santiago to San Antonio and from San Antonio to San Cristóbal is very high, 82 and 47 respectively. Of the 1,591 grooms and 1,647 brides from Celaya's barrios who married during the years 1784 to 1808, just over one half found their spouse in another barrio of the town. Only 13.8 percent of males and 13.4 percent of females married someone from their own barrio.? Nearly one third of all barrio brides and grooms married a spouse from outside of any of Celaya's barrios in one of Celaya's haciendas or ranchos. In fact, a greater proportion of marriages involved barrrio/hacienda linkages than two people from the same barrio.

One of the unusual and historically valuable elements of Celaya's marriage testimonies is that more than half of them record the number of years migrants had lived in Celaya. The average length of residence of migrants in Celaya prior to marriage was 4.2 years (Table 5). This figure, however, var [end p. 72] ied widely. Some brides and grooms were listed as having lived in Celaya for three months, one month, or even one day. Others were listed as having been residents of Celaya for 10 or 15 years. Therefore, it is clear that many migrants in Celaya had arrived for reasons other than simply to find a marriage partner.

Another type of information that illustrates the complexities of population movement, even in the relatively local area of the late eighteenth-century Bajío, is that which details the multiple migratory paths of some 1.4 percent of the total number of spouses marrying. Although this proportion is small, the patterns are significant. First, no Indian brides or grooms were recorded as making multiple moves. If they married exogamously, the partner from outside the parish had only made a one-step move to Celaya. This tends to confirm that Indians were less mobile during the late eighteenth century in north-central Mexico.

The patterns of movement of Spanish and casta marriage partners were complex. Of the 58 multiple moves recorded, 27 percent were circular moves that began and ended in Celaya. In the 1808 marrriage testimonies, for instance, one man moved from Celaya to Mexico City to Veracruz and then back again to Celaya, and another man moved from Celaya to Puebla to Mexico City and then back to Celaya. The most common circular moves, however, were local. For example, four men and one woman moved from Celaya to the nearby pueblo of San Juan de la Vega and then back again to Celaya, and two men moved from Celaya to Apaseo and then back to Celaya. The majority of multiple moves, circular or not, did not involve large distances but were rather short moves among the towns and villages of the Bajío. The gender difference between multiple migrants was greater than the difference between exogamy rates. Of all multi-step migrants, 64 percent were men and of the circular migrants 66 percent were men. Although it has been demonstrated that women migrated in late colonial Mexico, it is also important to note that the mobility of most was limited in terms of the distances involved.

One more aspect of marriage migration must be addressed. That is the vexing question of how long any newlywed couple stayed in the place in which they married. A couple may have moved shortly after marriage, or perhaps did not settle at all in the parish in which they married. Furthermore, though some studies have shown that kinship in Mexico was patrilocal, empirical evidence from the eighteenth century is still scanty (Nutini 1976; Boyer 1989, 217; Carrasco 1961; Olivera 1976). McCaa (1989) has attempted to answer this question by tracing the names of brides and grooms through census documents for Parral. ⁸ However, the process is a laborious one, and requires very detailed censuses.

Fortunately, there are such census records for Celaya (AGN, Padrones; AHCM, Padrones de Celaya; ACCM, Padrón), and a sample of names was extracted from the 1789 marriage testimonies and traced through the 1791 civil census of Celaya. Of the sample of 71 couples listed in 1789, 32 were successfully located in the census of 1791, and all but three were living in the same place as when they married. One couple had moved to the pueblo of Coroneo and another had moved to Apaseo. In the third exception, the groom had come from the Hacienda of Arrequín, and by 1791 the new couple was living matrilocally in the city proper of Celaya. Tracing Indian married couples is especially difficult because Indians were not enumerated in the 1791 census, and in many of the ecclesiastical censuses family names are not given. However, of those newlywed Indians that were identified, all were living patrilocally, in the barrio of the groom (AHCM, 1793, Leg. 686, Exp. 1).

CONCLUSIONS
What do the exogamy rates, patterns, and variations suggest about late colonial Celaya? First, exogamy rates were not as high as in other areas of [end p. 73] colonial Mexico. Second, people were mobile, but the distances traveled were typically not great. The striking micro-regionalism of the Bajío region is evident here. Third, migration did not follow a step-like progression from small to medium to large settlements; the patterns of movement were similar to dendritic networks with occasional stray paths. Fourth, most of Celaya's marriage migration was between the parish and its neighboring pueblos. However, it may be noted that a few migrants, members of the Spanish elite, came from cities such as Querétaro, Guanajuato, and León, all cities, like Celaya, on the route of the camino real that extended from Mexico City to Zacatecas.

Gender differences in mobility are apparent but not dramatic, and the important point to make here is that the evidence is clear that women sometimes moved to marry. Whether the motivation was economic, social, or romantic, a woman's place was not necesssarily fixed. The most striking difference in terms of exogamy rates is that between Indian and non-Indian. Again, previous studies have negated the notion of isolated Indian communities, yet it makes sense that exogamy rates would be much lower for Indians. It is a well-established demographic fact that people tend to marry people similar to themselves---whether it be racially, economically, or even locationally (Ellsworth 1948; Kerchoff 1963-64; Romney 1971). The Indian barrios of Celaya were large and relatively uniform, and the high rates of spatial endogamy perhaps not surprising. However, what this study has been able to demonstrate is the significance and complexity of inter-barrio marriage. This feature of the social world of late colonial Celaya merits comparative analysis in many other urban settings where data are available. Only then will it be known whether Celaya is an exceptional case, or but one of many in a complex range of colonial socioeconomic contexts.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Many thanks go to Marcia Harrington for drafting the figures for this paper. Her expertise is greatly appreciated. I am also very grateful to David J. Robinson for his kind encouragement and willingness to read earlier drafts of this paper. Any errors, of course, are mine alone.

NOTES
1. The marriage testimonies had to be filed by prospective spouses with the priest of the parish in which they hoped to be married. Such information formed part, together with the banns of mariage, of what was required before the marriage could be officially sanctioned.

2. In this paper exogamous spouses are those who originated from independent pueblos that lay distant from the town of Celaya, yet within its parish, as well as those who came from outside its parish boundary. Endogamous are those from the town itself, its Indian barrios, and the array of small ranchos and haciendas that were located nearby.

3. lnformaciones matrimoniales recorded the length of widow-hood for people who were remarrying. Gutiérrez (1990) has noted for colonial New Mexico that remarriage, especially among men, followed quickly after the death of a spouse.

4. Comparable figures for other areas of late colonial Mexico include a 65 percent married figure for adults in 1777 Parral (McCaa 1990, 3), and a 63 percent figure for adults in 1811 Mexico City (Arrom 1985, 4). A figure of nearly 80 percent for adults under age 40 is reported for central Mexico including Puebla, Tlaxcala, Veracruz and Mexico City (McCaa 1990, 5).

5. This pattern of greater spatial endogamy for Indians has been well documented in nearly all the previously cited studies pertaining to marriage migration in colonial Spanish America (Brading and Wu 1973).

6. Nutini (1976a) has commented on the neglect of the spatial dimension in understanding Indian kinship.

7. It is interesting to compare these figures with modern studies of Cholula, where it was found that 62.1 percent of marriage partners came from the same barrio. This suggests that Indian mobility has declined since the end of the colonial period (Olivera 1976,78).

8. Another study used two census documents two years apart to examine the permanence of residency in early nineteenth- century Guadalajara, and found that only 47.3 percent of the houses surveyed were occupied by the same family (Anderson 1988, 68).

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RESUMEN
Una fuente muy aprovechosa para el análisis de la exogamia espacial son las informaciones matrimoniales que existen para la parroquia de Celaya, México. En este estudio unos 8,089 informaciones están analizadas para identificar los patrones de migración hacia y dentro del centro urbano durante el período 1784-1808. Aunque los patrones muestran un alto nivel de endogamia, existían variaciones notables por género y etnía. Los movimientos entre doce barrios urbanos fueron complejos, como también migraciones de multiples etapas. [end p. 76]