Boom Town in Transition?Development Process and
Urban Structure of Ushuaia, Tierra del Fuego, Argentina

Veronika Braumann and Christoph Stadel
Department of Geography
Salzburg University
Hellbrunnerstrasse 34 A-5020
Salzburg Austria

ABSTRACT
The town of Ushuaia, located on the Beagle Canal in the southern part of Tierra del Fuego near the boundary with Chile, has always occupied an important frontier position within the national territory of Argentina. Being located on a rugged island at the extreme margin of the settlement zone at 55 degrees south, and at a distance of several thousand kilometers from the national core of Buenos Aires, this 'Ciudad al Fin del Mundo' has witnessed a number of distinct phases of its urban history. Since its foundation as a city in 1884, these phases which were characterized by changing political and economic conditions, have determined the functional role of Ushuaia, the development of its urban structure and demographic and social conditions. At the closure of the 20th century, Ushuaia's position as a boom city may be eroded by the declining importance of its strategic location, by an exodus of key industries, and by a declining in-migration. Conversely, Ushuaia's future may be secured by its continued role as Argentina's urban stronghold and pride on Tierra del Fuego and as the national link to Antarctica, by an emerging tourism, as well as by enhanced transportation links with mainland South America. As in the past, the future ofUshuaia will greatly depend on external forces and actors, but also on a sustained pioneer community spirit of its inhabitants

INTRODUCTION
In the study of human settlements, numerous classifications have been proposed according to different parameters and criteria. Given the complexity and multifunctionality of most urban places these classifications could be considered somewhat artificial and arbitrary. However, cities are characterized by a distinct urban identity based on a specific location, historical evolution, morphology, functional specialization and social structure. Towns and cities which have witnessed a rapid evolution resulting from a specific locational or functional impetus have always attracted the attention of researchers. In the evolution of the cultural landscape of expanding pioneer societies, these towns and cities have played an important role, albeit often for only a rather short period of time. The prominence of these places resulted generally from the importance of a specific location, frequently at pioneer frontiers, or from the discovery and subsequent exploitation of specific resources. Commonly referred to as 'boom towns', these settlements are characterized by specific cycles of growth, decline or even 'bust', and they are often located at the fringe of the settled regions, at times in rather inhospitable and remote environments.

In Latin America, the best known and well documented examples of 'boom towns' are the agriculturally oriented pioneer settlements in the Amazon region and the mining or other single-resource oriented settlements in the Andean realm and the adjacent lowlands. This paper portrays yet another type of a 'boom town', Ushuaia, a coastal town at the southern tip of Tierra del Fuego located [end p. 33] at the periphery of the national territory of Argentina, strategically located near the boundary with Chile.

THE CONCEPT OF THE 'BOOM TOWN' AND STAGES OF ITS DEVELOPMENT
The research agenda of 'boom towns' is shared by a number of disciplines, foremost Regional Studies, Geography, Economics and Planning. Gilmore and Duff(1975) examining the boom towns in Sweetwater, Wyoming, characterize them as places of excessive population growth rates. In a later study, Gilmore (1976) presents a model with the following three interrelated problem areas of boom towns:

Whereas Gilmore related the term 'boom town' to rapidly growing settlements resulting from the exploitation of natural resources, Malamud (1984) extended the definition of the term to include all types of urban places with excessive growth, including new administrative centers, resorts, and the mega-cities of the Third World. In Sociology, Davenport and Davenport (1979) give the following profile of a boom town:

'A boom town is a community experiencing above average economic and population growth which results in strain on existing community and societal institutions '.

Susskind and O'Hare (1977:8) identify the following eight social and economic components of what they call the 'Boomtown Syndrome':

In Geography, the concept of the boom town has become firmly established since the 1970s. Using the example of Chimbote, Peru, Caviedes (1975) examines the concept of a boom town, the stimuli for its growth and its structural elements. Borchert (1978:109) defines a 'boom city' as one which rose two or more ranks (in size order), e.g. grew faster than the national growth rate. In a study of the small town of Farmington in New Mexico, Gober (1983:143) is concerned with the applied issues of 'what happens when local areas lose control over their short-and-Iong-term development', Wilhelmy and Borsdorf (1984/85, II) in their extensive two volumes on South American cities describe a number of boom towns referring specifically to the rapid transformation of their urban structure and functions. In a recent book on boom towns in Alaska and the Canadian north, Gabriel (1991: 18 - 31) examines the following hypotheses:

  • Boom towns are characterized by a rapid and excessive population growth - The autochthonous population does not substantially contribute to the boom
  • Boom towns exhibit a special age and gender population structure.
  • Rapid transformation of the spatial settlement structure reflects the rapid and excessive population growth
  • The spatial expansion of the settlement during the boom phases is largely spontaneous and uncontrolled; spontaneous squatter settlements lead to a number of conflicts
  • Provisional buildings and structures are typical for the boom phases of the towns
  • The success and the newly acquired prosperity of boom towns is demonstrated by representative buildings
  • The rapidity of the population growth and of the spatial settlement expansion permits only an incomplete differentiation of the urban structure of boom towns
  • The stages of boom are characterized by speculative processes
  • Boom towns are located mostly in peripheral regions, their development [end p. 34] is initiated by and directed from political and/or economic core regions
  • Boom towns are characterized by an extreme dependence upon a dominant economic activity

    Gabriel proposes a development model of a boom town, distinguishing between its 'boom phase' and its 'bust phase' (Fig. 1).

    THE BOOM TOWN OF USHUALA, TIERRA DEL FUEGO, ARGENTINA
    Ushuaia, referred to in Argentina as the 'Ciudad en el Fin del Mundo' is located at the southern tip of Tierra del Fuego, on the shores of the Beagle Canal at 55°S (Figure 2a and 2b). It has not only a location at the margin of the settled region of South America, in a topographically rugged and harsh climatic environment, but also one at the territorial periphery of Argentina (Province of Tierra del Fuego, Antirtida e Islas del Atlantico Sur) close to the sensitive border with Chile (region of 'Magallanes y Antarctica Chilena'). Since its founding in 1884, Ushuaia with its population of about 40,000 inhabitants has developed in a way that confirms some of Gabriel's hypotheses of a boom town. However, in a number of ways, the town also exhibits aspects which are less typical of a 'conventional' boom town.

    a) The Pre-boom Phase Ushuaia
    In 1869, an Anglican mission station was established in the area, but the official foundation of the town of Ushuaia occurred only 15 years later, when Argentina realized the need to establish a strategic stronghold and administrative center ('Subprefectura') for the 'Territorio Nacional' of Tierra del Fuego at the border with Chile demarcated in 1881 (Canclini 1980: 49). Unlike the case of many boom towns, the initial influx of settlers into this remote and harsh region was rather slow: in 1887 only about 60 people lived in this settlement (Lenzi 1967:322), and in 1895 only 225 (Municipalidad de U shuaia 1984: 27). In addition, already during the pioneer days of its existence, Ushuaia could hardly [end p. 35] compete with the more successful Chilean town of Punta Arenas, the regional center of Southern Patagonia. Nevertheless, Argentina was determined to secure its territory on Tierra del Fuego and consolidate its urban foothold.

    It established a prison camp (Carcel de reincidentes ) and a small naval base in the hope of providing a population and economic base for the new settlement. These government initiatives were later complemented by some private commercial activities. Of great importance for the initial 'takeeoff' of Ushuaia was the discovery of gold resources at various sites on the island, a boom which lasted only about 15 years. Of a more lasting significance for the further development of the town was the growing strategic and administrative role of Ushuaia as the 'capital' of Argentine Tierra del Fuego. In an attempt to stimulate the immigration of settlers to Tierra del Fuego, the Argentine Government introduced a program of land distribution. However, the most suitable activity was that of extensive shep farming wigh required few permanent settlers, with additional seasonal workers coming mainly from neighbouring Chile during the period of sheep shearing (Schillat 1994:156). Furthermore, most ofthe economic benefits from the expor-oriented sheep farming activity benefited the Chilean town of Punta Arenas.

    Although in 1893 a land survey of Ushuaia provided for a rectangular urban grid system in the Spanish colonial tradition, the construction of the houses of the settlers occurred largely in a spontaneous fashion along the seashore and on the adjacent mountain slopes (Zanola 1988:6).


    Figure 2b. Ushuaia

    In 1902, the original function of Ushuaia as a prison for repeat offenders was expanded to that of a major military prison. This new function not only increased the population of the town, it also provided a labour force for the building of new urban infrastructures, and gave the town a new landmark at its eastern edge (Lenzi 1967: 322).

    In the period after World War I, Ushuaia, for a number of reasons, experienced a period of stagnation. With the opening of the Panama Canal, the Strait of Magellan and the port cities at the southern tip of South America, foremost Punta Arenas, declined (Bondel 1985: 14). The Economic Depression, beginning in the late 1920s ended the so- [end p. 36] called 'Golden Era' of Argentina, and the strategic role of Ushuaia was considered of being of lesser importance for Argentina. This however changed again during World War II when Ushuaia was placed under the direct control of the Navy ('Gobernación Maritima'), and the military presence of Argentina was reinforced. This meant that Ushuaia for the next two decades became largely a military town. The prison was closed in the late 1940s and its buildings were incorporated into the naval base. The military became the most important employer and investor for housing and infrastructures and also organized transportation and communication between Ushuaia and the national core region of Buenos Aires (Liberali 1995: 7). This military functional orientation of the town meant however that the town became highly dependent upon Buenos Aires, and local initiatives during this time were largely stifled. A new economic activity developed gradually since the 1920s, that of tourism. Tourists arrived on cruise ships, and after World War II in larger numbers by plane. But it was only in the 1980s that tourism became the major economic activity (Canclini 1980: 122).

    During the early 20th century, Ushuaia experienced a substantial influx of predominantly male immigrants from Europe (foremost from Spain and France), and to a lesser extent from Chile and registered a marked increase of its population, but with oscillating rates of growth (Liberali 1978: 15). In 1944, the town counted 1447 inhabitants; in the census of 1947 a population of 1917 people, with a highly unbalanced gender distribution in favor of the male population. By 1960, the population ofUshuaia had already increased to 3398 inhabitants, by 1978 to 5373 people, by 1980 to 10998, and counted in 1994 the astonishing number of 40870 people (Figure 3) (Provincia de Tierra del Fuego, Antartida e Islas del Atlantico Sur 1994). With the population growth, the landscape ofUshuaia gradually changed and became more 'urban' in its appearance. The original modest wooden houses were replaced by more substantial stone and concrete buildings. The street system and [end p. 37] harbour facilities were expanded an improved (Figure 4), a water supply and sewage disposal system was installed, a number of new representative public buildings were erected, and the town expanded substantially along the seashore and onto the adjacent hills. During the last few decades, the transportation links between the national core and Ushuaia were also improved, and the peripheral and remote location of Ushuaia was gradually lessened. Since 1912 work was undertaken to build a road linking Ushuaia across Tierra del Fuego and Patagonia to the Argentina heartland. But it took until 1960 to complete work on the 'Ruta Nacional No. 3' (Yanes 1984:63; Canclini 1980:122). To date though traffic is still hampered by poor road conditions, the mountainous topography of Tierra del Fuego and frequent adverse weather conditions. Furthermore, the fact that the 'Ruta Nacional' has to pass through Chilean territory remains an irritating factor for Argentina. With the arrival of the first plane in Ushuaia in 1928 a new era in improved transportation began. Subsequently, airport facilities were built and regular flights to and from Ushuaia were introduced in 1935. Furthermore,


    Figure 4. Ushuaia: Harbour facilities

    b) The Phase of Accelerated Development and the Subsequent Boom Phase
    A new stage in the development of Ushuaia began in 1956. Tierra del Fuego was no longer directly administered by the Navy and became henceforth part of the administrative region of 'Territorrio Nacional de Tierra del Fuego, Antartida e Islas del Atlantico Sur' with Ushuaia as its capital (Liberali 1995:7). In 1956, Tierra del Fuego was declared a 'Zona franca', i.e. a duty free zone, in an attempt to stimulate the regional economy, foremost the industrial growth. Other factors enhancing the regional economic potential were the discovery of petroleum in the northern part of the island, and the further growth of national and international tourism.

    With these new economic activities, the much hoped for in-migration of population to Ushuaia did indeed boost the population of the town. However, the large proportion of Chilean immigrants to this strategic outpost of Argentina was certainly less welcome by the authorities. Although the proportion of the male population continued at first to outweigh that of the female population a more substantial in-migration of young families and more job opportunitires for women resulted in a more balanced gender distribution of the population since the 1960s [end p. 38] (Provincia de Tierra del Fuego, Antártida e Islas del Atlántico Sur 1984) (Figure 5).

    While the establishment of a 'Zona franca' in Ushuaia did stimulate the economic growth of the town, the so-called 'Ley de Promoci6n' of 1972 provided the legal framework for the creation of an 'area aduanera especial' i.e. a special free trade zone for Ushuaia, with special economic incentives for industrial and commercial enterprises (Schillat 1994:213). This government initiative led to a boom of industrialization, population increase and urban growth, at a scale never witnessed before in the history of the town. The tax incentives for industries attracted not only Argentine firms from the Buenos Aires area, but also international companies to this rather unlikely place, according to conventional economic location theory. Furthermore, industrial activities were no longer limited to a processing of local resources, but included mostly a number of 'footloose industries' manufacturing goods for a national and even an international market, foremost in textile and electrical appliance industries (e.g. assemblage of radios, TVs, washing machines, refrigerators) (Yanes 1984:56) - (Figure 6). The new industries were established primarily in the newly created 'Industrial Park' in the east of the expanding town (Figure 7).

    The enormous influx of workers to Ushuaia from all parts of Argentina and from neighbouring Chile created an acute shortage of adequate housing as well as of vital urban services and infrastructure. Unplanned and even illegal shantytowns and squatter settlements mushroomed around the 'Parque Industrial' and on the mountain slopes at the northern periphery of the town. Not only was there an inadequate provision of the new settlers with water, electricity and sewage disposal, the town also experienced worsening environmental problems of flooding, erosion, landslides, and various forms of water and air pollution caused by uncontrolled building activities (Zanola 1988:22).

    The boom of the 1970s continued unabated into the 1980s. Attracted by the job opportunities and the comparatively high wages, the in-migration even accelerated in the 1980s. However, as is the case with many boom towns, most migrants arrived with the hope of making quick money, without having the intention of settling permanently in town and many of them did indeed leave the town after a short period oftime (Liberali 1995:8). Certainly, this 'footloose' attitude of the migrants proved to be not very conducive to creating a community spirit and pride and a well established urban society. This, for instance, was reflected in the fact that the migrants showed little interest in building decent houses and neighbourhoods, as they considered the town merely as a temporary workplace rather than a permanent home (Bondel 1985:58). With the continued in-migration, the age-structure of the population was [end p. 39] characterized by a larger representation of children and young adults.


    Figure 7. The "Industrial Park" of Ushuaia
    In the 1990s, the economic boom of Ushuaia appears to be fading although the population continues to increase unabated. The general economic recession and the need for drastic cutbacks of government spending also had their impact on Tierra del Fuego and Ushuaia. In light of the weakening political tension with Chile and thelesser strategic importance of the region in the 1990s, the government already has and might further reduce the extent of its support for Ushuaia. Furthermore, a rising problem of unemployment can be detected, and the wage-price structure in the town is no longer as favourable as it used to be in the 1980s.

    Between 1987 and 1994, the number of industrial enterprises substantially declined. This was a result of the general economic recession, of an uncertainty over future grant support and tax relief, and of the decision of some companies to seek new, more favourably located areas - a typical scenario of global economics. Thus, in recent years, a certain climate of pessimism and resignation has become evident in Ushuaia, and out-migration is occurring at an accelerating pace.

    The case of Ushuaia confirms a trend observed in international adventure oriented tourism for an appeal of remote areas often in harsh physical environments. Ushuaia also offers a variety of possibilities for excursions in Tierra del Fuego, especially to the nearby National Park of Lapataia. Furthermore, Ushuaia, together with the Chilean city of Punta Arenas is a major staging point for the growing volume of tourists visiting Antarctica. Ushuaia receives some 125 cruise ships a year on the way to or back from Antarctica or the inland passages. Although they often stay for only a short period of time in Ushuaia, visitors spend some money in town, and the ships have to pay fees for using the harbour. For Argentinean tourists, Ushuaia has an added attraction as the most remote town of their national territory. Because of this enhanced touristic appeal, the volume of tourism has considerably increased since the 1980s, and the tourist infrastructures have been improved and enlarged. In the 1994/95 season, some 55000 tourists visited the town spending over 20 million dollars. Slightly over half of the tourists came from foreign countries, mostly from the United States, Germany and France. In 1994, Ushuaia counted 29 places of accommodation (among them two purportedly luxurious hotels near a newly developed modest ski resort) with a total of some 1700 tourists beds (Municipalidad de Ushuaia 1995). The tourist accessibility of Ushuaia has been recently greatly enhanced by the building of a new airport which [end p. 40] allows the landing of large passenger planes and a faster supply of provisions for the residents and the visiting cruise ships.

    Apart from its industrial and tourist functions, Ushuaia continues to assume a major regional administrative role for the island of Tierra del Fuego which since 1991 forms an independent province and is no longer directly administered by the capital. In 1994, 40% of the gainfully employed people were working in the public sector (Republica Argentina 1995). Although the role of Ushuaia as a military base has weakened, some 700 military persons are still stationed in town.

    In the urban appearance and structure, Ushuaia in the 1990s offers a number of traits which tend to be associated with boom towns. Ushuaia has expanded rapidly in a largely unplanned and uncontrolled fashion. The shortage of adequate and affordable housing has resulted in the appearance of widespread self-built shanties ('Viviendas precarias '), often on land for which the settlers have no legal title, and which is often rather unsuitable for housing (Figure 8).


    Figure 8. Ushuaia shantytowns

    Many of these newly emerging neighbourhoods are not connected to the town's water and electricity supply and sewage disposal systems, nor are they serviced by the urban garbage disposal trucks. In many cases, the accessibility to these residential areas is problematic, as roads may either be non-existent or are of poor quality. Faced with this development, the efforts of the town to implement coordinated urban planning and development schemes, and government programs for better and subsidized housing, remain highly inadequate (Planeamiento Urbano y Edificación de Ushuaia 1988). Thus, the urban structure ofUshuaia is characterized by a small and relatively compact core with the typical planned grid system of streets and housing blocks (Figure 9). This central part of the town along the seashore forms the commercial core and contains the most important civic buildings (Figure 10). Surrounding the older core are the scattered and largely unplanned low density residential areas. These consists, with the exception of two better quality neighbourhoods, mostly oflowwgrade housing. At the urban periphery, the most important structural units are the naval base, the new Industrial Park and the airport.

    CONCLUSION
    The development and structure of Ushuaia, the southern most town of the world, located at the [end p. 41]

    Figure 9. Ushuaia: City map


    Figure 10. Ushuaia: commercial core

    margin of South America and at the most remote periphery of the national territory of Argentina, exhibits many traits associated with a boom town. Yet, in a number of ways, it also shows elements which do tend not it into the model of a boom town, largely because of its own history, identity, and set of potentials and problems. Unlike the case of many boom towns, the initial development stage of Ushuaia has been rather slow, with the most rapid growth occurring only recently, some one hundred years after the foundation of the town. Although this growth has slowed down during the last few years and concerns about its future viability are voiced, Ushuaia has never experienced a 'bust phase'.

    Like many other boom towns, Ushuaia is located in a remote and harsh environment, a fact which has always presented problems and challenges for the town in terms of its accessibility and its potential for attracting and retaining settlers. Common to other boom towns has been the importance of external stimuli and actors which tended to spur Ushuaia's development, but also made it highly dependent upon the national core and the capital city, and more recently also of global economic trends and the centers of international economic decision-making. Throughout the history of Ushuaia, the overriding interest of Argentina has been to secure its territorial claim on Tierra del Fuego, at the Beagle Canal and even on the adjacent Antarctic Sector, by establishing a strategic stronghold close to the boundary with Chile. Nationalistic Argentineans still consider Ushuaia as the geographic center of the country, when the claimed territory in Antarctica is taken into consideration. This objective was pursued by various strategies and political and economic initiatives which were reflected in the distinct stages of the urban development of Ushuaia. Compared to this overriding geopolitical role of the town, the local natural resources (fish, sheep, timber, petroleum) played a subordinate role in its development, with the exception of the 'resource' of scenic attraction and even remoteness which stimulated tourism in recent decades.

    While the remoteness of Ushuaia has been weakened by recent improvements in transportation and communication, and while the geopolitical situation in Tierra del Fuego today is less 'sensitive', it has to be seen whether these new political and economic developments will offer new potentials for a promising future of the town and Tierra del Fuego.

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